01
Origins
Proto-Algonquian was probably spoken somewhere west of the Great Lakes, perhaps around 1000 BCE, from where its descendants spread east to the Atlantic and west onto the Plains. Its grammar divides nouns into animate and inanimate, and in any stretch of narrative it marks one third person as 'proximate', the centre of attention, and others as 'obviative'.
In 1925 Leonard Bloomfield set out regular sound correspondences among four Central Algonquian languages (Fox, Cree, Menominee and Ojibwe). He reconstructed a cluster, *çk, on the evidence of one correspondence set, and predicted it would show up distinctly somewhere. It did: Swampy Cree, recorded later, has htk. The result became a classic demonstration that sound change is regular in languages without writing, just as in Indo-European.
02
The Ritwan Controversy
In 1913 Edward Sapir proposed that Wiyot and Yurok, two languages of northern California far from any Algonquian language, were related to Algonquian. Truman Michelson rejected it vigorously, and the dispute became one of the bitterest in American linguistics. In 1958 Mary Haas published evidence that settled it: Wiyot, Yurok and Algonquian form the Algic family, with Proto-Algic buried below this tree.
Within Algonquian, only Eastern Algonquian is a proven subgroup. 'Central' and 'Plains' Algonquian are geographical labels. This tree therefore draws ten branches directly from the root: Blackfoot, Arapahoan, Cheyenne, Cree–Innu, Ojibwe, Menominee, Meskwaki-Sauk-Kickapoo, Miami-Illinois, Shawnee and Eastern Algonquian.
Where its languages are spoken
- Canada
- United States
- Mexico
Turning points
- SplitContested
East to the Atlantic, west to the Plains
Algonquian speakers spread from the interior east to the Atlantic coast and west onto the Plains. The homeland and dates rest on linguistic evidence such as the plant and animal vocabulary, and are debated.
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- Contact
Residential and boarding schools
In Canada and the United States, Indigenous children are taken to church- and state-run schools where speaking their languages is punished. Canada's Truth and Reconciliation Commission (2015) described the system as cultural genocide.
Sources (1)
Contested classifications
- Widely accepted
Algic
Evidence for
Sapir (1913) proposed the link from shared vocabulary and morphology. Haas (1958) and later Goddard showed regular correspondences in pronominal prefixes, noun and verb morphology and basic vocabulary.
Evidence against
Michelson's objections rested on the geographical gap and on the difficulty of the early evidence. The gap remains unexplained: how two Algic languages came to be in California, far from the others, is still debated. The relationship itself is now accepted.
Sources (2)
- Largely rejected
Central Algonquian
Evidence for
These were the languages Bloomfield compared, and they share much vocabulary and many features. The label is still widely used.
Evidence against
Goddard showed that the 'Central' and 'Plains' groups have no shared innovations of their own, and that they are geographical groupings of separate branches. Only Eastern Algonquian has been shown to be a genuine subgroup.
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