01
Many Groups, One Archipelago
The Philippines is home to more than 150 Austronesian languages, and closely related ones are spoken just beyond its borders: Yami (Tao) on Orchid Island off Taiwan, and Sangir, Minahasan and Gorontalo-Mongondow in northern Sulawesi. They fall into a dozen or so clear 'microgroups'. Cordilleran languages such as Ilocano, Pangasinan and Ifugao fill northern Luzon; Central Luzon includes Kapampangan; and Greater Central Philippine, proposed by Robert Blust in 1991, covers Tagalog, Bikol, the Bisayan languages (Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, Tausug) and most of the languages of Mindanao.
The microgroups are often told apart by sound changes. Conant's 'RGH law' (1911) describes how Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *R has a different reflex in each: *baqeRu 'new' is Tagalog bago, Ilocano baro, Kapampangan bayu and Pangasinan balo.
Greater Central Philippine covers a huge area but is shallow, with languages that are still fairly similar. Blust explains this as the result of an expansion around 500 BCE that replaced most of the earlier languages of the central and southern islands. Pockets of older diversity survive, among them the North Mangyan languages of Mindoro, the Kalamian languages of northern Palawan and several languages of the Negrito peoples, the islands' earliest inhabitants, who adopted Austronesian speech.
02
Scripts, Spanish and Filipino
When the Spanish arrived in the 16th century, Tagalog and several other lowland languages were written in baybayin, a Brahmi-derived script that marked each consonant with an inherent vowel. The first book printed in the Philippines, the Doctrina Christiana of 1593, gives its Tagalog text in both baybayin and Latin letters. Within two centuries the Latin alphabet had replaced baybayin almost everywhere, although related scripts are still used by the Hanunó'o and Buhid of Mindoro and the Tagbanwa of Palawan.
Three centuries of Spanish rule left thousands of loanwords: Tagalog kutsara 'spoon', bintana 'window', sapatos 'shoes', and a counting system in which Spanish numbers are used for prices and clock time. English followed under American rule after 1898.
In 1937 the Commonwealth government chose Tagalog as the basis of a national language, renamed Pilipino in 1959. The 1987 constitution names Filipino, in practice standard Tagalog open to words from other languages, as the national language, with English as a second official language. Cebuano, Ilocano, Hiligaynon and the other large languages remain the everyday speech of their regions, and most Filipinos speak two or three languages.
In its own words
Magandang umaga po.
- Magandang
- umaga
- po.
Sources (1)
Where it’s spoken
- Philippines
- Indonesia
- Malaysia
- Taiwan
Turning points
- SplitContested
Greater Central Philippine expansion
On Blust's account, speakers of Proto-Greater Central Philippine spread from the central islands through the southern Philippines and replaced most of the languages already there, which is why the region's languages are so alike. The date is an estimate from the languages' degree of difference.
Sources (2)
- Contact
Spanish rule
From Legazpi's settlement at Cebu in 1565, Spain rules the lowland Philippines for more than three centuries. Missionaries write grammars and dictionaries of the main languages, and Spanish loanwords enter every lowland language.
Sources (1)
- Writing
The Doctrina Christiana
The first book printed in the Philippines sets Tagalog in both baybayin and the Latin alphabet. Missionary printing in Latin letters gradually displaces baybayin over the following two centuries.
Sources (1)
- Split
Tagalog becomes Filipino
Tagalog is chosen in 1937 as the basis of the national language, renamed Pilipino in 1959 and Filipino in the 1987 constitution. The choice was resented in some non-Tagalog regions, especially the Cebuano-speaking south.
Sources (1)
Contested classifications
- Minority position
Philippine
Evidence for
Blust points to vocabulary innovations shared across the microgroups. Blust argues that the low diversity of the region is itself evidence: an early Proto-Philippine expansion would have replaced the first Malayo-Polynesian languages of the archipelago, leaving one family where an older and more varied set had been. The grouping is used as a branch in many handbooks.
Evidence against
Lawrence Reid argued in 1982 that no convincing innovations define Proto-Philippines, and has since argued that the microgroups may branch separately from Malayo-Polynesian. Malcolm Ross has suggested that the Batanic languages of the far north are an early offshoot of Malayo-Polynesian in their own right. On this view 'Philippine' is a geographical label, like 'Western Malayo-Polynesian'. The tree draws it as one branch for convenience.
Sources (4)